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• 1 2021-11-17T11:57:56-05:00 Background of the Conflict in DRC 35 Mariam, DRC plain 2021-12-19T12:33:05-05:00 The following timeline, generated by Healing from Conflict DRC, shows a brief history of important events in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The first image shows then Prime Minister Patrice Lumamba signing the independence agreement with Belgium. The next significant marker is the Rwandan Genocide, which triggered two major wars. Post-colonial Congo has not had a good relationship with democracy. Their first, at least ostensibly democratic, transition of power, took until 2019 to happen. Prior to then, they had struggled with a series of dictators: Mobutu, Kabila, then Kabila's son (shown in the picture below the Lusaka agreement). Their current President is Félix Tshisekedi (in the image next to "Tshisekedi is elected").
  
  
  
  This map illustrates a few regions in the DRC with provincial regions delineated. The conflict is mainly affecting eastern provinces (like North and South Kivu bordering Rwanda, Burundi, and Uganda). There are several armed groups operating in that region, including the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (Rwandan), the Allied Democratic Forces and the Lord’s Resistance Army (both Ugandan), and the National Liberation Forces (Burundian—military offshoot of a Hutu rebel group). There are local militias also present called Mai-Mai militias. 
  
  
  The DRC is also grappling with the COVID-19 pandemic on top of its 13th Ebola outbreak in the Beni Health zone, which is in the Kivu provinces. To fully illustrate the complexities of the intersecting public health and armed conflict crises plaguing the DRC, and to layer that on top of the debilitating aftermath of colonialism and the economic factor of Congo's mineral-rich geography, is well beyond the scope of this brief outline. This author feels, however, that having even the briefest of understandings is integral to understanding why the DRC might requite a palliative approach towards violence. This advocacy strategy attempts to save education from being caught in the crosshairs of this nightmarish geopolitical reality.

  Education:

  According to Anadolu Agency, more than 150 schools were destroyed in conflict in the Eastern part of DRC. This occurred in two months of 2020 alone. Children play a major role in the armed conflict amongst militias in the DRC (Witness, n.d.). Some of this recruitment occurs in schools. The Global Coalition to Protect Education from Attack has done extensive analysis on the impact of attacks on schools. According to a report published in 2018, attacks in schools lead to death, injury, abduction, and sexual exploitation, especially for girls. According to this report, girls are less likely to return to school after being subjected to sexual violence. GCPEA also points out that conflict impedes access to education and millions of children are out of school. Damage to schools has forced around a hundred and fifty thousand children out of school in the Kasai region alone (UNICEF, July 2017). A Case Study done by CfBT Education Trust points out a compelling potential causal relationship:

  “OOSCI (2013) surveyed households in DRC on reasons for non-enrolment and drop-out for 6–17 year olds, with one option being “fear of crime and conflict”. Whilst this was not the main reason in any province, it was significant in the two worst-affected provinces, North and South Kivu, with “fear of crime and conflict” being the primary reason for drop-out for 16% in South Kivu and 8% in North Kivu compared to 4% nationally, and the primary reason for non-enrolment for 10% in South Kivu and 15% in North Kivu compared to 5% nationally.”
  –The quantitative impact of armed conflict on education in DRC: case study, 2014

  This offers us a small picture of how violence is inhibiting access to education, but also how educational spaces themselves are being galvanised for purposes antithetical to the spirit of education. Therefore, not only is conflict affecting education, but educational spaces might even be hubs for breeding conflict, by giving militias access to large numbers of potential child soldiers and victims of sexual and physical violence. According to GCPEA, state as well as non-state actors are responsible for some of this sexual and physical harm done to Congolese children.